Este libro trata la cuestión de los cambios de jurisprudencia penal respecto de los condenados. Es un estudio claro, novedoso y muy bien fundamentado, que se mueve en el terreno común entre el derecho penal y el constitucional. domingo, 26 de julio de 2009
Este libro trata la cuestión de los cambios de jurisprudencia penal respecto de los condenados. Es un estudio claro, novedoso y muy bien fundamentado, que se mueve en el terreno común entre el derecho penal y el constitucional. viernes, 3 de julio de 2009
| UN BLOODY MARY PARA HAMLET: EXTRAORDINARIO NICOLAS KOHEN Esta obra es una adaptación (Jorge Ferrera Barrios, Nicolás Kohen) De textos de Shakespeare. La actuación de Kohen es buenísima, incluyendo sus improvisaciones. Músicos: Alejandro Goldberg, Jorge Goldberg, Paula Goldberg Producción: Beatriz Kohen, Nicolás Kohen, Roberto Kohen Dirección: Jorge Ferrera Barrios |
| TEATRO LA COMEDIA Rodriguez Peña 1062 (mapa) Capital Federal - Buenos Aires - Argentina Teléfonos: 4815-5665 / 4812-4228 Web: http://www.lacomedia.com.ar Entrada: $ 35,00 - Jueves - 21:30 hs |
miércoles, 1 de julio de 2009

domingo, 28 de junio de 2009
sábado, 20 de junio de 2009
ROBERT POST, NUEVO DEAN DE YALE LAW
jueves, 14 de mayo de 2009
lunes, 11 de mayo de 2009
domingo, 3 de mayo de 2009
miércoles, 22 de abril de 2009
1. Palabras preliminares
Ernesto Garzón Valdés
2.Reflexiones sobre el cuatrilema del consecuencialismo
Eduardo Rivera López
3.El constructivismo ético y el dilema de Eutifrón
José Juan Moreso
Gabriela L. Alonso
5. La Eternidad
Jaime Malamud Goti
6. Moralidad y normatividad ética en Aristóteles
Andrés Rosler.
FILOSOFIA POLITICA
7.El Igualitarismo de Carlos Nino
Marcelo Alegre
8.El constructivismo moral a propósito de Nino y Rawls
Eduardo Barbarosch
9. Pluralismo moral*
Silvina Alvarez
10.Tres malentendidos sobre la elección racional y el juicio moral
Guido Pincione
FILOSOFIA DEL DERECHO
11. ¿Es realmente superfluo el derecho? Justicia política e insularidad del razonamiento jurídico
Marisa Iglesias Vila
12.El derecho como un sistema de razones para la coacción
Gabriel Bouzat
DERECHO PENAL
13 ¿Castigo por resultados? El argumento de L. Katz
Marcelo Ferrante
14. Ensayo sobre tipo, tipicidad y pragmática
Juan José Avila
15. Aflicción Directa e Indirecta en el Concepto de PenaMateo *
Germán Bermejo
TEORIA CONSTITUCIONAL
16. Una disputa imaginaria sobre el control judicial de las leyes: El “constitucionalismo popular” frente a la teoría de Carlos Nino
Roberto Gargarella
17.La interpretación constitucional en Carlos Nino: una primera aproximación
Javier Ortiz Flores
18. Democracia y control de constitucionalidad: Una tensión aparente
Horacio Spector
19. Constitucionalismo, concepciones de democracia y diseño institucional: Sobre frenos, puentes y motores en la democracia deliberativa
Lucas Arrimada
TEORIA DE LA DEMOCRACIA Y DEL ESTADO
20. Democracia deliberativa en Nino y Habermas
Angel R. Oquendo
21.Un callejón sin salida. La paradoja de las precondiciones (de la democracia deliberativa) en Carlos S. Nino
José Luís Martí
22. Nino, la democracia y el utilitarismo
Martin D. Farrell
23.Igualdad y educación
Rodolfo Vázquez
24.Códigos éticos corporativos
Jorge F. Malem Seña
25.Igualadores y traductores. La ética del abogado en una democracia constitucional
Martin Böhmer
DERECHOS HUMANOS
26. Tres discusiones sobre derechos sociales
Christian Courtis
27. Los derechos humanos económicos, sociales y culturales
Mónica Pinto
28¿Cómo judicializar los derechos económicos y sociales en una democracia deliberativa?
Julio Montero
29.Reconciliación y reconstitución
Fernando Atria
miércoles, 8 de abril de 2009
martes, 31 de marzo de 2009
I just read the sad news.
I must say, I don't think I've ever been moved quite as I am now over the death of a politician, American or otherwise. In many ways, Alfonsin represented what a politician should be: guided by principle, intellectually curious and honest. Certainly, he made mistakes, and we may need another generation before he can be adequately judged. Did he handle the economy appropriately? Did he strike the right balance between amnesty and prosecution? Did he expend too much political capital attempting union/labor reform, at the expense of other issues?
But I think a Los Angeles Times editorial published just after his inauguration in 1983 put it best, when it said "if politics is the art of the possible, Argentina has just expanded what can be accomplished." He was a politician that not only Argentina should be proud of, but the entire world, and it is a sad, sad day.
The Argentines who hosted us during the linkages program were fortunate enough to arrange an interview for us with Alfonsin at his home in Barrio Norte. I will never forget that Alfonsin devoted a large portion of that meeting to discussing John Rawls with us. It was a stark contrast to our own leader at the time, who once said that his favorite philosopher and source of inspiration was Jesus.
Un abrazo,
-Sam"
martes, 3 de marzo de 2009
Ayer leí un artículo de mi amigo Lucas Grosman en La Nación.
Lucas propone un test para distinguir las formas de protesta tolerables de las que no deberían ser permitidas, basado en un análisis de las formas de la protesta en cuestión, con prescindencia de cuán simpático/antipático nos parezca el fondo del reclamo.
El planteo, con toda su prolijidad académica, no me convence. El problema principal es que, si no me equivoco, este planteo no deja lugar alguno para la desobediencia civil. Mi pregunta para Lucas es, entonces,
"Si el planteo es compatible con admitir acciones de desobediencia civil (como lo hacen todas las teorías corrientes de la democracia) ¿cómo se acomoda esa permisión con un enfoque centrado exclusivamente en las formas?"
Una regulación de la protesta que se concentra en las formas significa, simplemente, que algunas formas de protestar están permitidas y otras prohibidas más allá del contenido de la protesta. Ahora bien, ¿es posible que alguien quiera realizar actos de desobediencia civil que de hecho contraríen las formas establecidas? Por supuesto, no solo es posible, es inevitable. La esencia misma de la desobediencia civil, según se la entiende habitualmente, es violar la ley, aunque de manera pacífica. De allí que pretender regular la protesta de forma tal que la desobediencia civil no esté prohibida es contradictorio o autofrustrante: el desobediente civil pretende, precisamente, hacer algo prohibido; esa es su protesta.
Siguiendo esta línea de pensamientos, se podría dar una situación bastante curiosa. Imaginate que la persona encargada de regular la protesta social cree que la desobediencia civil no debe ser prohibida: esto obligaría al desobediente civil a tratar de anticiparse constantemente al regulador para realizar actos prohibidos, pero el regulador, impasible, sistemáticamente se los permitiría. Se trataría de una carrera hacia la ilegalidad sin final predecible.
Réplica mía
Mi pregunta no era acerca de los deseos eventuales de alguien a protestar a través de la desobediencia civil ("¿es posible que alguien quiera realizar actos de desobediencia civil que de hecho contraríen las formas establecidas?") si no cómo debería reaccionar el estado, desde tu perspectiva. Afirmás que "pretender regular la protesta de forma tal que la desobediencia civil no esté prohibida es contradictorio o autofrustrante: el desobediente civil pretende, precisamente, hacer algo prohibido; esa es su protesta." No estoy seguro, tal vez en ciertos casos, los desobedientes quieren desafiar a la autoridad porque creen que ésta está actuando fuera de la ley. Cuando Rosa Parks, por ejemplo, se negó a ceder su asiento en el colectivo desafiando la segregación racial, su abogado podría haber alegado que ella no estaba violando la ley, ya que las normas segregacionistas eran inconstitucionales. Pero aun suponiendo que tenés razón al respecto, es decir que Rosa Parks quería violar el derecho, ¿no creés que un juez debería distinguir esa violación del derecho de otras? Suponete que junto al caso de Rosa Parks el juez enfrente el caso de otra persona que se niega a ceder su asiento, por ejemplo a una persona embarazada, y que ambas conductas (negarse a cederle el asiento a un blanco, negarse a cederle el asiento a una mujer embarazada) tengan la misma pena. ¿No debería el juez distinguir al momento de resolver entre las dos conductas, las que, formalmente, son idénticas? Gracias de nuevo, Marcelo
Segunda Respuesta de Lucas
Marcelo:
Bueno, cuando yo señalaba que el desobediente civil procura incumplir alguna ley para producir un efecto simbólico, lo hacía precisamente pensando en que eso debía ser relevante para analizar qué actitud debería adoptar el Estado al respecto (por aquello de que sería autofrustrante autorizar la particular forma de protesta que el desobediente eligió cuando lo que quiere es violar la ley.)
Vos planteás que el desobediente quiere desafiar a una autoridad que según el desobediente está actuando en contra de sus propias leyes. Pero esta parece ser la regla, no la excepción (es decir, no sería algo peculiar de la desobediencia civil): te diría que en todos los casos de piquetes el piquetero cree que le asiste no solo la razón sino también el derecho. En algunos de estos casos, el piquetero tiene razón y en otros no. Lo que yo propongo, justamente, es dejar de lado eso. Es decir, concentrarnos en la forma que eligió para reclamar y no en la sustancia del reclamo. Ahora bien, ¿qué pasa si en un caso concreto el reclamo es justo –efectivamente la ley lo asiste— pero la forma elegida es contraria a las normas generales previstas para la protesta? Todo reclamo justo debe ser atendido, pero también debe ser planteado de la forma correcta. Claro que esto presupone que exista tal forma, es decir, que haya procedimientos accesibles y efectivos; y ese es el segundo punto de mi artículo: no solo debemos preocuparnos porque las formas se cumplan, sino también por que las formas, por así decirlo, merezcan ser cumplidas, es decir, sean efectivas para canalizar un reclamo. Una sociedad no funciona si no se cumplen ciertas formas de manera general, pero no se puede exigir el cumplimiento de formas inútiles o injustas.
En el caso que planteás, la norma que Parks incumple –una norma que exige que un negro le ceda el asiento a un blanco-- es en sí injusta (de hecho, inconstitucional). Parks no está incumpliendo el derecho. Está incumpliendo una norma que cualquier juez razonable debería considerar inaplicable. No cederle el asiento a una embarazada, al menos en Argentina, sí implica incumplir una norma, por lo que no creo que los dos casos sean asimilables. Incumplir una norma no es, en este caso, la forma que Parks elige para reclamar, sino la sustancia en sí. No es lo mismo cortar una ruta para reclamar que no me cobren una tarifa ilegal por la luz que no pagar la factura.
Pero en realidad la referencia al juez nos obliga a reflexionar sobre otra cuestión, que creo que se acerca bastante a tu preocupación. La regulación de las formas debe ser general e imparcial, pero no por eso impermeable a las excepciones. La pregunta es quién está en condiciones para establecer tales excepciones y en qué marco. ¿El policía que está en la esquina? ¿El intendente? No, ciertamente no. Debe haber una regla general, clara, que funcione bien para la mayoría de los casos (tanto para piquetes justos como injustos) y que sea relativamente fácil de aplicar por quien está en la calle y debe aplicarla. Debe ser un juez quien, luego, decida si corresponde hacer una excepción porque, justamente, se trata de un caso excepcional. Por ejemplo, si cabe aplicar una sanción o no, si hay atenuantes o justificaciones para atender, etc. Me imagino que algunos casos que a vos te preocupan deberían entrar por ahí, y eso, insisto, no es incompatible con el respeto general de las formas que la vida en sociedad requiere.
Abrazo,
Lucas
Gracias Lucas.
Un abrazo,
Marcelo
Mis buenos amigos Robert Post y Reva Siegel me regalaron este libro durante su visita a Buenos Aires. Es una novela ambientada en los años de la dictadura, y narra la historia de una familia destruida por la desaparición de su hijo.Por lo que sé, el autor, Nathan Englander nunca estuvo en Argentina, pero su research es más que aceptable (al protagonista le gustan los helados de Freddo, lo secuestran a la salida de un recital de Spinetta, etc).
El relato sabe mantener la tensión hasta el final, que es muy ocurrente.
lunes, 2 de marzo de 2009
Este es el mejor libro que leí en años. El libro explica en profundidad por qué la web es un fenómeno revolucionario. No ahorra detalles técnicos, pero está escrito de manera muy accesible. El punto central es que la nueva economía de la información centrada en la tecnología favorece modos de relación sociales, altruistas, por sobre modos de producción propietaristas. Benkler incluso muestra cómo este nuevo modo de producción es, a veces, más eficiente que el modelo capitalista tradicional. Además el libro desarrolla en profundidad el potencial de la Web para posibilitar democracias más deliberativas y contribuir a mitigar problemas globales como la pobreza y la desigualdad.Lawrence Lessig, para muchos (y para mí antes de leer La Riqueza de las Redes) el No. 1 en la materia, afirma que Benkler, con este libro, "se ha ubicado como el intelectual líder de la era de la información." Flor de piropo.
Conocí a Yochai en NYU, cuando dirigía el programa doctoral de la Escuela de Derecho. Además de ser un genio, es una persona generosa y simpática, con quien fue un placer trabajar y discutir. Estrella indiscutida, de allí saltó a Yale, y de ahí a Harvard. Lessig también acaba de mudarse a Harvard, así que esperamos grandes cosas de este dúo.
Este libro es La Teoría de la Justicia de la nueva economía de la información. Y puede bajarse gratis de internet, además...
Estupendo libro de Esteban Schmidt, gran valor. Prosa impar, se lee de un tirón. Es divertido leer a alguien con quien se comparten orígenes barriales, militancia, malos tragos, broncas, etc. Hace mil años que no lo veo a Esteban. Ahora me acuerdo una vez que fuimos con amigos comunes a ver a Serrat. Era una fecha patria y antes del show sonó el himno. Todos de pie, menos... Esteban. Yo, que no tengo problemas en cantar el himno en público (hasta diría que me gusta) me quedé sentado también, en solidaridad con Esteban, que no paraba de putear, "Fachos de mierda, la puta que los parió...". Fueron los tres minutos más largos de mi vida.Lamentable comentario sobre el libro en P12
Es irritante el recurso (neo-Jauretchismo hiper berreta) a descalificar a alguien por ser de clase media o haber nacido en Caballito...
martes, 21 de octubre de 2008
Ronald Dworkin
John McCain's election would be a disaster for our Constitution. Conservatives have worked for decades to capture the Supreme Court with an unbreakable majority that would, in every case, reliably serve their cultural, religious, and economic orthodoxies. That goal has so far escaped them. Though Republican presidents have appointed seven of the nine justices now serving, only four of them—John Roberts, Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, and Samuel Alito—are dependably rigid conservatives. Four other justices—two other Republican appointees, John Paul Stevens and David Souter, and the Democratic appointees Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Stephen Breyer—have voted consistently in favor of more liberal interpretations of the Consti-tution. The ninth justice—Anthony Kennedy—holds the crucial "swing" vote that has decided cases of capital importance, sometimes with the conservatives and sometimes with the liberals.
In recent decades another justice, Sandra Day O'Connor, was also a "swing" justice. (She resigned in 2005 and Bush replaced her with Alito.) Our constitutional law would be very different if O'Connor and Kennedy had been conservative ideologues of the kind McCain has promised to appoint. They joined liberals, for example, in refusing to overrule Roe v. Wade and end constitutional protection for abortion rights, in preventing capital punishment of children under eighteen, and in protecting homosexuals against laws making sex between them a crime. O'Connor joined liberals to provide a 5–4 majority that saved race-sensitive admissions programs in state professional schools, a crucial decision that, had it gone the other way, would have ended what has proved an indispensable strategy for reducing racial imbalance in the professions.
When O'Connor resigned, Kennedy's vote became even more crucial. He joined conservatives in some dangerous 5–4 decisions: approving a law banning so-called "partial birth" abortions, striking down sensible and nondiscriminatory plans to reduce racial isolation in public schools, and declaring that the Constitution's Second Amendment gives private citizens a constitutional right to own handguns. Still, the opinions in these cases were all somewhat guarded because the conservatives needed his vote and had to make qualifications to secure it. In other recent cases he voted with the liberals to restrict capital punishment and—in probably his most important vote—to deny Bush's appalling claim that any foreigner he designated an unlawful enemy of America could be held indefinitely without any form of judicial review.
If McCain wins, however, Kennedy's vote would probably be irrelevant and his influence negligible because Mc-Cain's first appointment would probably create an unstoppable rock-solid conservative majority for a generation or more. (Stevens is eighty-eight, Souter sixty-nine, and Ginsburg, Kennedy, and Breyer in their seventies.) We cannot predict all the important constitutional issues that might arise in that long period. But it seems likely that a solid ultra-conservative majority would finally wipe away all constitutional protection for abortion, which Scalia and Thomas have repeatedly vowed to do. Such a majority would also allow a significantly greater role for religion in public schools and public displays and occasions; effectively end any form of affirmative action in employment or education; cut back on protections for accused criminals; and again broaden the scope of capital punishment.
Most frightening of all, it would likely embrace the Bush administration's most extravagant claims of presidential power: the so-called unitary executive doctrine Garry Wills describes below, which allows the president dictatorial powers over all executive functions, including the power to wage war, spy on citizens, and detain and torture prisoners, ignoring any congressional constraint.
bama's promise is as great as McCain's threat. His race and background would refute the charges of American racial arrogance that have helped recruit many angry terrorists. His remarkable and apparently near-unanimous appeal abroad—an appeal the insular Republicans scorn—would immediately help redeem our soiled international reputation. He has a striking, deep intelligence, and a gift for combining clarity and strong feeling in his writing and speeches; and he uses these qualities to expose and explain complexity rather than bury it under slogans. It is said that he lacks experience. On the contrary, he alone among prominent politicians has the experience that counts most in a threatening and densely interdependent world: the crucial experience of empathy. He has lived, and been poor, in both domestic and foreign worlds that few national politicians can even imagine.
We desperately need, most of all, a renaissance of international law and order. The Bush administration has nearly destroyed international law; it has debased our moral as well as our fiscal currency. America cannot face the growing terrorist threat effec- tively, or the equally menacing ter- rors of climate degradation, unless the world creates new institutions and doctrines of international law with genuine power and authority. That is an extremely difficult goal, but not impossible since the other great powers now have the same incentives we have to bring law back to the international realm.
The project cannot even begin, however, without a radical change in the mind-set of Americans, who should understand that we are no longer law-givers dictating to the world but partners who must accept compromise and risk as others do. Otherwise we will be pushed to history's back benches. As the first debate made plain, McCain embodies the national illusion of self-sufficient go-it-alone power. We need a president who has the intelligence, clarity, and passion to dispel that illusion. Obama's eloquence is among his most important qualifications, though Republicans mock him for it, because he can provide the mind-changing inspiration that democracies most need in times of crisis—what Lincoln gave us at Cooper Union and Gettysburg, and Roosevelt gave us in ending economic and then isolationist paralysis.
These reasons why Obama should be president make the stakes in this election even greater. Our economy is near catastrophic and worsening, unemployment and foreclosures are increasing, our foreign and military policies are disastrous, the Republican president is ridiculed and despised, the Republican candidate flails and lies. Even a mediocre Democratic candidate should win easily. If a remarkably distinguished candidate like Obama loses, this can be for only one reason. We Americans can do something great in November. Or we can do something absolutely terrible and then live with the shame of our stupid, self-destructive racial prejudice for yet another generation.
martes, 29 de julio de 2008
Thomas Nagel y Michael Sandel conversan sobre John Rawls
http://realserver.bu.edu:8080/ramgen/w/b/wbur/connection/audio/2002/12/con_1206b.rm
martes, 22 de julio de 2008
(A propósito, caso interesante el de Bombita Rodríguez, el humor muy por delante de la reflexión seria, y pegando entre ceja y ceja...)
http://www.criticadigital.com/index.php?secc=nota&nid=7508
domingo, 4 de mayo de 2008
Salimos con Lewis Kornhauser de Mario Bravo 1050 a las 21.15 hasta el garage de M. Bravo al 1300. Ahí se escuchaba como un lejano caceroleo, compatible con un gol de River. Salimos por M. Bravo y doblamos en Soler a la derecha, rumbo a Peña a una cuadra de Pueyrredón. Doblé a la izquierda en la primera después de Jean Jaurés y el caceroleo seguía sonando, pero no se veía gente CON cacerolas. Mas cuando cruzamos Santa Fe ya se veía gente en las esquinas con cacerolas. Gol de River seguro, me dije. Pero no había gente con cornetas, de modo que sonaba más a protesta que a festejo. En Peña a una cuadra antes de Pueyrredón ya había 20 o 30 personas en la esquina. Y después debo haber prendido la radio.
Debo revelar que lo que me llevó a dejar este testimonio es que hace veinte minutos sentí un grito de gol colectivo y pensé que era gol de River. Acabo de chequear que en verdad fue gol de Boca…
jueves, 21 de febrero de 2008
http://www.percaltango.com.ar/index.html
jueves, 1 de noviembre de 2007
En estos días se cumplieron 10 años de su muerte. Gran filósofo del derecho, eximio abogado, ejemplar Presidente de la Corte Suprema de la democracia. Esta es una foto tomada en el Centro de Estudios Institucionales (circa 1989). De izq. a derecha, un servidor, Roberto Gargarella, Genaro Carrió, Carlos Balbín, Susana Rada, Carlos Santiago Nino, Javier Sarán, Carlos Rosenkrantz, Roberto de Michele.
domingo, 23 de septiembre de 2007
1. Un diseñador español...
http://www.sidi.es/accesible/disenadores/index.php?id_disenyador=245
2. Un líder de proyecto de Delsat Group...
http://marcelo-alegre.econozco.com/
3. Un jugador de fútbol del equipo misionero Zinguería La Obra...
http://ar.geocities.com/solofutsalposadas/notab.htm
4. Un jugador de fútbol mendocino...
http://www.losandes.com.ar/2001/0106/nota8537_1.htm
5. Un jugador de fútbol de Santa Fe...
http://www.ancaloo.com.ar/nota.asp?idnota=172
6. Un barman...
http://www.unomendoza.com.ar/2007/03/14/nota141341.html
7. Un desafortunado motociclista...
http://www.colonbuenosaires.com.ar/semanariocolondoce/cgi-bin/hoy/archivo/00001171.html
8. Un padre de una víctima de Cromañón, muy enojado con el gobierno de la Ciudad.
http://foros.clarin.com/topic.asp?topic_id=791
9. Un jurista uruguayo...
http://www.consultornet.com.uy/ver.asp?noti=2004072103
10. Un colectivero correntino...
http://www.corrientesnoticias.com.ar/interior.php?nid=27301
11. Alguien que mató a su sobrino accidentalmente...
http://www.clarin.com/diario/2005/01/24/um/m-909842.htm
martes, 21 de agosto de 2007
(Para fans de El Padrino)
http://www.joblo.com/forums/printthread.php?s=c5104aa799d48f5e2e2b71367a0468ee&threadid=111100&perpage=40&pagenumber=2:
"Anyone else catch all the Godfather references?-Danny's line to Bank: "What I want, what's most important to me . . . " is a line used by Michael to Sollozo in The Godfather. Michael was played by Pacino as you all know. This one I caught right away.-Reuben says when he wakes up: "I hear cars coming and going, I hear Linus crying. I think you should tell me what everyone seems to know." Vito Corleone says something similar to that to Tom after Sonny dies. I recognized the "I think you should tell me what everyone seems to know," line but it took a while to place it.-I didn't realize this before but the Malloy brothers are named Turk and Virgil. Sollozo's name is Virgil "The Turk" Sollozo.-Then of course there's the Pacino and Garcia reunion; they were in The Godfather Part III. And to a lesser extent, Scott Caan is James Caan's son and Jimmy played Sonny in the first two Godfather movies."
miércoles, 20 de junio de 2007
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fdYgUs81pEo
lunes, 11 de junio de 2007
Text of the speech given by Microsoft chairman Bill Gates at Harvard University on June 7, 2007.
President Bok, former President Rudenstine, incoming President Faust, members of the Harvard Corporation and the Board of Overseers, members of the faculty, parents, and especially, the graduates:
I've been waiting more than 30 years to say this: "Dad, I always told you I'd come back and get my degree."
I want to thank Harvard for this timely honour. I'll be changing my job next year ... and it will be nice to finally have a college degree on my resume.
I applaud the graduates today for taking a much more direct route to your degrees. For my part, I'm just happy that the Crimson has called me "Harvard's most successful dropout." I guess that makes me valedictorian of my own special class ... I did the best of everyone who failed.
But I also want to be recognised as the guy who got Steve Ballmer to drop out of business school. I'm a bad influence. That's why I was invited to speak at your graduation. If I had spoken at your orientation, fewer of you might be here today.
Harvard was just a phenomenal experience for me. Academic life was fascinating. I used to sit in on lots of classes I hadn't even signed up for. And dorm life was terrific. I lived up at Radcliffe, in Currier House. There were always lots of people in my dorm room late at night discussing things, because everyone knew I didn't worry about getting up in the morning. That's how I came to be the leader of the anti-social group. We clung to each other as a way of validating our rejection of all those social people.
Radcliffe was a great place to live. There were more women up there, and most of the guys were science-math types. That combination offered me the best odds, if you know what I mean. This is where I learned the sad lesson that improving your odds doesn't guarantee success.
One of my biggest memories of Harvard came in January 1975, when I made a call from Currier House to a company in Albuquerque that had begun making the world's first personal computers. I offered to sell them software.
I worried that they would realise I was just a student in a dorm and hang up on me. Instead they said: "We're not quite ready, come see us in a month," which was a good thing, because we hadn't written the software yet. From that moment, I worked day and night on this little extra credit project that marked the end of my college education and the beginning of a remarkable journey with Microsoft.
What I remember above all about Harvard was being in the midst of so much energy and intelligence. It could be exhilarating, intimidating, sometimes even discouraging, but always challenging. It was an amazing privilege - and though I left early, I was transformed by my years at Harvard, the friendships I made, and the ideas I worked on.
But taking a serious look back ... I do have one big regret.
I left Harvard with no real awareness of the awful inequities in the world - the appalling disparities of health, and wealth, and opportunity that condemn millions of people to lives of despair.
I learned a lot here at Harvard about new ideas in economics and politics. I got great exposure to the advances being made in the sciences.
But humanity's greatest advances are not in its discoveries - but in how those discoveries are applied to reduce inequity. Whether through democracy, strong public education, quality health care, or broad economic opportunity - reducing inequity is the highest human achievement.
I left campus knowing little about the millions of young people cheated out of educational opportunities here in this country. And I knew nothing about the millions of people living in unspeakable poverty and disease in developing countries.
It took me decades to find out.
You graduates came to Harvard at a different time. You know more about the world's inequities than the classes that came before. In your years here, I hope you've had a chance to think about how - in this age of accelerating technology - we can finally take on these inequities, and we can solve them.
Imagine, just for the sake of discussion, that you had a few hours a week and a few dollars a month to donate to a cause - and you wanted to spend that time and money where it would have the greatest impact in saving and improving lives. Where would you spend it?
For Melinda and for me, the challenge is the same: how can we do the most good for the greatest number with the resources we have.
During our discussions on this question, Melinda and I read an article about the millions of children who were dying every year in poor countries from diseases that we had long ago made harmless in this country. Measles, malaria, pneumonia, hepatitis B, yellow fever. One disease I had never even heard of, rotavirus, was killing half a million kids each year - none of them in the United States.
We were shocked. We had just assumed that if millions of children were dying and they could be saved, the world would make it a priority to discover and deliver the medicines to save them. But it did not. For under a dollar, there were interventions that could save lives that just weren't being delivered.
If you believe that every life has equal value, it's revolting to learn that some lives are seen as worth saving and others are not. We said to ourselves: "This can't be true. But if it is true, it deserves to be the priority of our giving."
So we began our work in the same way anyone here would begin it. We asked: "How could the world let these children die?"
The answer is simple, and harsh. The market did not reward saving the lives of these children, and governments did not subsidise it. So the children died because their mothers and their fathers had no power in the market and no voice in the system.
But you and I have both.
We can make market forces work better for the poor if we can develop a more creative capitalism - if we can stretch the reach of market forces so that more people can make a profit, or at least make a living, serving people who are suffering from the worst inequities. We also can press governments around the world to spend taxpayer money in ways that better reflect the values of the people who pay the taxes.
If we can find approaches that meet the needs of the poor in ways that generate profits for business and votes for politicians, we will have found a sustainable way to reduce inequity in the world. This task is open-ended. It can never be finished. But a conscious effort to answer this challenge will change the world.
I am optimistic that we can do this, but I talk to skeptics who claim there is no hope. They say: "Inequity has been with us since the beginning, and will be with us till the end - because people just ... don't ... care." I completely disagree.
I believe we have more caring than we know what to do with.
All of us here in this Yard, at one time or another, have seen human tragedies that broke our hearts, and yet we did nothing - not because we didn't care, but because we didn't know what to do. If we had known how to help, we would have acted.
The barrier to change is not too little caring; it is too much complexity.
To turn caring into action, we need to see a problem, see a solution, and see the impact. But complexity blocks all three steps.
Even with the advent of the Internet and 24-hour news, it is still a complex enterprise to get people to truly see the problems. When an airplane crashes, officials immediately call a press conference. They promise to investigate, determine the cause, and prevent similar crashes in the future.
But if the officials were brutally honest, they would say: "Of all the people in the world who died today from preventable causes, one half of one percent of them were on this plane. We're determined to do everything possible to solve the problem that took the lives of the one half of one percent."
The bigger problem is not the plane crash, but the millions of preventable deaths.
We don't read much about these deaths. The media covers what's new - and millions of people dying is nothing new. So it stays in the background, where it's easier to ignore. But even when we do see it or read about it, it's difficult to keep our eyes on the problem. It's hard to look at suffering if the situation is so complex that we don't know how to help. And so we look away.
If we can really see a problem, which is the first step, we come to the second step: cutting through the complexity to find a solution.
Finding solutions is essential if we want to make the most of our caring. If we have clear and proven answers anytime an organization or individual asks "How can I help?," then we can get action - and we can make sure that none of the caring in the world is wasted. But complexity makes it hard to mark a path of action for everyone who cares - and that makes it hard for their caring to matter.
Cutting through complexity to find a solution runs through four predictable stages: determine a goal, find the highest-leverage approach, discover the ideal technology for that approach, and in the meantime, make the smartest application of the technology that you already have - whether it's something sophisticated, like a drug, or something simpler, like a bed net.
The AIDS epidemic offers an example. The broad goal, of course, is to end the disease. The highest-leverage approach is prevention. The ideal technology would be a vaccine that gives lifetime immunity with a single dose. So governments, drug companies, and foundations fund vaccine research. But their work is likely to take more than a decade, so in the meantime, we have to work with what we have in hand - and the best prevention approach we have now is getting people to avoid risky behaviour.
Pursuing that goal starts the four-step cycle again. This is the pattern. The crucial thing is to never stop thinking and working - and never do what we did with malaria and tuberculosis in the 20th century - which is to surrender to complexity and quit.
The final step - after seeing the problem and finding an approach - is to measure the impact of your work and share your successes and failures so that others learn from your efforts.
You have to have the statistics, of course. You have to be able to show that a program is vaccinating millions more children. You have to be able to show a decline in the number of children dying from these diseases. This is essential not just to improve the program, but also to help draw more investment from business and government.
But if you want to inspire people to participate, you have to show more than numbers; you have to convey the human impact of the work - so people can feel what saving a life means to the families affected.
I remember going to Davos some years back and sitting on a global health panel that was discussing ways to save millions of lives. Millions! Think of the thrill of saving just one person's life - then multiply that by millions. ... Yet this was the most boring panel I've ever been on - ever. So boring even I couldn't bear it.
What made that experience especially striking was that I had just come from an event where we were introducing version 13 of some piece of software, and we had people jumping and shouting with excitement. I love getting people excited about software - but why can't we generate even more excitement for saving lives?
You can't get people excited unless you can help them see and feel the impact. And how you do that - is a complex question.
Still, I'm optimistic. Yes, inequity has been with us forever, but the new tools we have to cut through complexity have not been with us forever. They are new - they can help us make the most of our caring - and that's why the future can be different from the past.
The defining and ongoing innovations of this age - biotechnology, the computer, the Internet - give us a chance we've never had before to end extreme poverty and end death from preventable disease.
Sixty years ago, George Marshall came to this commencement and announced a plan to assist the nations of post-war Europe. He said: "I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation. It is virtually impossible at this distance to grasp at all the real significance of the situation."
Thirty years after Marshall made his address, as my class graduated without me, technology was emerging that would make the world smaller, more open, more visible, less distant.
The emergence of low-cost personal computers gave rise to a powerful network that has transformed opportunities for learning and communicating.
The magical thing about this network is not just that it collapses distance and makes everyone your neighbor. It also dramatically increases the number of brilliant minds we can have working together on the same problem - and that scales up the rate of innovation to a staggering degree.
At the same time, for every person in the world who has access to this technology, five people don't. That means many creative minds are left out of this discussion -- smart people with practical intelligence and relevant experience who don't have the technology to hone their talents or contribute their ideas to the world.
We need as many people as possible to have access to this technology, because these advances are triggering a revolution in what human beings can do for one another. They are making it possible not just for national governments, but for universities, corporations, smaller organisation, and even individuals to see problems, see approaches, and measure the impact of their efforts to address the hunger, poverty, and desperation George Marshall spoke of 60 years ago.
Members of the Harvard Family: Here in the Yard is one of the great collections of intellectual talent in the world.
What for?
There is no question that the faculty, the alumni, the students, and the benefactors of Harvard have used their power to improve the lives of people here and around the world. But can we do more? Can Harvard dedicate its intellect to improving the lives of people who will never even hear its name?
Let me make a request of the deans and the professors - the intellectual leaders here at Harvard: As you hire new faculty, award tenure, review curriculum, and determine degree requirements, please ask yourselves:
Should our best minds be dedicated to solving our biggest problems?
Should Harvard encourage its faculty to take on the world's worst inequities? Should Harvard students learn about the depth of global poverty ... the prevalence of world hunger ... the scarcity of clean water ...the girls kept out of school ... the children who die from diseases we can cure?
Should the world's most privileged people learn about the lives of the world's least privileged?
These are not rhetorical questions - you will answer with your policies.
My mother, who was filled with pride the day I was admitted here - never stopped pressing me to do more for others. A few days before my wedding, she hosted a bridal event, at which she read aloud a letter about marriage that she had written to Melinda. My mother was very ill with cancer at the time, but she saw one more opportunity to deliver her message, and at the close of the letter she said: "From those to whom much is given, much is expected."
When you consider what those of us here in this Yard have been given - in talent, privilege, and opportunity - there is almost no limit to what the world has a right to expect from us.
In line with the promise of this age, I want to exhort each of the graduates here to take on an issue - a complex problem, a deep inequity, and become a specialist on it. If you make it the focus of your career, that would be phenomenal. But you don't have to do that to make an impact. For a few hours every week, you can use the growing power of the Internet to get informed, find others with the same interests, see the barriers, and find ways to cut through them.
Don't let complexity stop you. Be activists. Take on the big inequities. It will be one of the great experiences of your lives.
You graduates are coming of age in an amazing time. As you leave Harvard, you have technology that members of my class never had. You have awareness of global inequity, which we did not have. And with that awareness, you likely also have an informed conscience that will torment you if you abandon these people whose lives you could change with very little effort. You have more than we had; you must start sooner, and carry on longer.
Knowing what you know, how could you not?
And I hope you will come back here to Harvard 30 years from now and reflect on what you have done with your talent and your energy. I hope you will judge yourselves not on your professional accomplishments alone, but also on how well you have addressed the world's deepest inequities ... on how well you treated people a world away who have nothing in common with you but their humanity.
Good luck.
viernes, 8 de junio de 2007
Excelente el monumento a las víctimas del 11-M.
Me acordé de eso cuando escuchaba esta vieja copla republicana:
COPLAS DE LA DEFENSA DE MADRID (o PUENTE DE LOS FRANCESES)
Puente de los franceses,
mamita mía,
nadie te pasa, nadie te pasa.
Porque los madrileños,
mamita mía,
que bien te guardan.
Madrid que bien resistes, mamita mía,
los bombardeos.
de las bombas se rien,
mamita mía,
los madrileños.
lunes, 22 de enero de 2007
¿Cuál es la diferencia entre teorías descriptivistas y no descriptivistas?
Caracterice al naturalismo ético y sus variantes.
¿En qué consiste la crítica de Moore al naturalismo?
Caracterice al no naturalismo ético.
¿Qué es el intuicionismo? ¿Qué flancos débiles ofrece?
¿Qué es la teoría del mandato divino? ¿Qué crítica le formula Nino?
¿Qué es el emotivismo y qué críticas recibe?
¿Qué es el prescriptivismo y qué críticas recibe?
¿Qué significa que los juicios de valor sean prescripciones universalizables?
¿Garantiza la universalización la corrección moral? ¿Por qué?

